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War in World Politics: Causes, Types, and Theory

Laiba Shahbaz

Laiba Shahbaz, an IR graduate and writer, a student of Sir Syed Kazim Ali

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3 February 2026

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This article provides a comprehensive analysis of war, defining it as organized violence between political entities for a purpose. It examines the ongoing debate on whether war is declining or simply transforming. The text delves into the multifaceted causes of conflict using a multi-level framework, analyzing factors at the individual, domestic, interstate, and global levels. It also categorizes wars by type, from hegemonic to civil, and explores the enduring influence of Carl von Clausewitz's theories on the relationship between war and politics. Finally, it examines how the relationship between war, state, and society has evolved from feudal times to the contemporary era and how these dynamics have played out differently in the Global South.

War in World Politics: Causes, Types, and Theory

Outline

  1. Introduction to War
  2. Causation of War: Multi-Level Analysis
  3. Six Types of Conflicts (Underlying Causes)
  4. Types of War
  5. War and Politics: Clausewitz's Philosophy
  6. War, State, and Society
  7. Conclusion 

War is a multifaceted and enduring phenomenon that has shaped human history, societies, and political landscapes. It is a complex subject that draws the attention of scholars from various disciplines, including political science, history, sociology, international law, and philosophy. This article will delve into the intricacies of war, exploring its definitions, the multifaceted causes that lead to its outbreak, and the diverse forms it has taken throughout history and in the contemporary world.

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The nature of war, its causes, and its forms are not static; they evolve with changes in societies, technology, culture, and economic circumstances. Understanding these dynamics requires a comprehensive approach that considers individual, domestic, interstate, and global levels of analysis, as well as the interplay between political purposes and military means.

1. Defining War: Beyond Simple Conflict

At its most fundamental, war can be defined as organized violence between political entities. This seemingly simple definition belies a profound complexity. What constitutes a "political entity"? Historically, these have ranged from tribal peoples and clans to nation-states, and in contemporary times, they include non-state actors such as guerrilla movements, terrorist organizations, and even transnational criminal networks. The instruments of violence have also transformed, from primitive clubs and swords to sophisticated drones and nuclear weapons.

The "organized" aspect is crucial. War is not mere random violence; it involves a degree of planning, leadership, and the mobilization of resources, human and material, to achieve specific objectives. This organization distinguishes war from other forms of violence, such as riots or uncoordinated acts of aggression.

Furthermore, war is always waged for a purpose. Whether it's to defend a homeland, seize territory, gain independence, or pursue an ideological goal, the leadership of a political entity engages in war with some desired outcome in mind. This instrumental view of war is central to the concept of strategy, which is the art of connecting the violent means of war to the intended political ends. Tactics, on the other hand, refer to the art of winning battles within the broader strategic framework.

Therefore, a more complete definition of war encapsulates these elements: organized violence among groups, which changes with historical and social context, and is fought for some purpose according to a strategy or plan.

The Enduring Paradox of War: Decline or Transformation?

A prevailing question in the study of war is whether it has declined over time and if world politics are becoming more peaceful. Arguments exist on both sides of this debate, highlighting a fundamental paradox: war is both a destructive force that tears groups apart and a catalyst that can connect them in profound ways.

Arguments for the decline of war often point to:

  • Long-term civilizing processes: Some scholars argue that human societies have progressively become more pacified over millennia, leading to a reduction in overall violence.
  • The "Last Major War" thesis: The Second World War is sometimes cited as the last major global conflict, with subsequent conflicts being more localized or limited.
  • Statistical evidence: Certain statistical findings suggest a decline in inter-state wars since 1945 and a decrease in violent deaths as a percentage of the global population.
  • Nuclear deterrence: The existence of nuclear weapons is believed by many to have made large-scale war between nuclear-armed states unthinkable, leading to a "long peace" among great powers.
  • The Liberal International Order: The post-1945 liberal order, with its emphasis on international law, institutions, and democratic norms, is seen as having effectively outlawed aggressive war, particularly among democratic states which rarely fight one another. The Kellogg-Briand Pact of 1928, though ultimately unsuccessful in preventing World War II, represents an early attempt at this international outlawry of war.

However, counter-arguments emphasize that war has not so much declined as transformed, highlighting:

  • Relative vs. absolute numbers: The statistical decline in violent deaths may be a matter of relative rather than absolute numbers. While the percentage of the global population dying in war might be lower, the absolute number of deaths can still be substantial due to population growth.
  • Regional variation: War has arguably transformed and shifted geographically. Since 1945, a disproportionate number of war-related deaths have occurred in the Global South compared to the Global North.
  • Proxy wars and intervention: Nuclear deterrence, while preventing direct conflict between superpowers, led to proxy wars in the Third World during the Cold War. Today, international involvement often takes the form of intervention in internal conflicts, through peacekeeping operations or military assistance.
  • Resurgence of large-scale conflict: The 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine serves as a stark reminder that large-scale conventional warfare remains possible, even in Europe, and carries the risk of nuclear escalation.
  • Theoretical and historical context: Statistical findings, while informative, require compelling theoretical and historical explanations. Without understanding the underlying causes, mere numbers can be misleading.
  • Challenges to the liberal order: The future of the liberal, rules-based world order is under question, with rising authoritarianism, racial nationalism, and ethno-nationalist politics challenging democratic norms. The "global war on terror," with its mixed results in Afghanistan and Iraq, also signals a potential end to the era of unquestioned US and liberal dominance.

This ongoing debate underscores the dynamic and evolving nature of war, making it a persistent area of inquiry for scholars and policymakers alike.

2. The Causation of War: A Multi-Level Analysis

Understanding why conflicts escalate into violence is a central challenge for political scientists. While historians often focus on specific, direct causes of individual wars (e.g., the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand leading to World War I), political scientists seek general explanations applicable across various contexts. This pursuit has led to the development of different "levels of analysis," each offering distinct insights into the drivers of war.

1. The Individual Level

At this level, theories about war often center on rationality. One perspective, consistent with realist international relations theory, posits that war is a rational decision made by national leaders who calculate that the benefits of going to war outweigh the costs of remaining at peace. This view suggests that leaders weigh options and choose war when it serves their state's interests most effectively.

However, critiques of this purely rational model highlight the role of individual psychology, misperception, cognitive biases, and emotional factors. Leaders may make irrational decisions under stress, based on flawed information, or driven by personal ambition, ideology, or revenge. The "fog of war" can obscure clear judgment, and the complexities of human decision-making can lead to outcomes that appear irrational in hindsight.

2. The Domestic Level

The domestic level of analysis examines the internal characteristics of states or societies that might make them more or less prone to war.

  • Political Systems: During the Cold War, Marxists argued that aggressive capitalist states were inherently warlike, while Western leaders claimed that the expansionist and totalitarian nature of communist states made them prone to violence. In reality, both capitalist and communist states have engaged in wars. A prominent theory at this level is the democratic peace theory, which suggests that democracies rarely, if ever, fight wars against other democracies. While both democracies and authoritarian states fight non-democracies, the absence of war between democratic states is a significant empirical finding, though its underlying causes (e.g., shared norms, institutional constraints, economic interdependence) are debated.
  • Societal Characteristics: Some anthropologists have noted that even pre-agricultural hunter-gatherer societies engaged in warfare, suggesting a universal potential for conflict across cultures. However, the frequency and importance of war vary greatly. The internal dynamics of a society, including the influence of political parties, interest groups, and legislatures, can also shape a state's propensity for war. For example, a powerful military-industrial complex might lobby for increased defense spending and interventionist foreign policies.
  • Change Over Time: A crucial point at this level is that a society's propensity for war can change significantly over time. Japan, for instance, was highly militaristic before World War II but has been profoundly averse to military violence since. This highlights the fluidity of domestic factors and the challenge of identifying universal generalizations about which societies are inherently more peaceful or warlike. 

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The! Kung bush people in Angola and Namibia, a hunter-gatherer society, were observed by anthropologists in the 1960s to be extremely peaceful. Yet anthropologists in the 1920s had observed them engaging in murderous intergroup violence. If there are general principles to explain why some societies at some times are more peaceful than others and why they change, political scientists have not yet identified them.

3. The Interstate Level

This level focuses on the power relations and interactions among major actors within the international system.

  • Power Distribution: Theories here often link war to shifts in the balance of power. Power transition theory, for example, argues that large wars are more likely when power is relatively equally distributed and a rising power threatens to overtake a declining hegemon. The declining hegemon might launch a preventive war to maintain its dominance, or the rising power might initiate a challenge.
  • Deterrence vs. Arms Races: Competing theories exist even within this level. Deterrence theory suggests that building up military power and threatening its use can prevent war by making the costs of aggression too high. Conversely, the theory of arms races posits that such military buildups can actually cause wars by increasing tensions, fostering mistrust, and making pre-emptive strikes more appealing. The conditions under which each of these principles holds true remain a subject of ongoing research.
  • Statistical Analysis: Many political scientists employ statistical methods to analyze data on war, examining correlations between variables such as democracy, trade, government structure, and international organizations with the escalation or settlement of interstate military disputes.

4. The Global Level

The global level of analysis examines systemic factors and long-term trends that transcend individual states.

  • Cyclical Theories: Some theories propose that major warfare in the international system follows cyclical patterns. One approach links large wars with long economic waves (Kondratieff cycles) lasting about 50 years. Another suggests a 100-year cycle tied to the creation and decay of world orders and hegemonic structures. While these theories can explain general tendencies, they offer limited predictive power for specific conflicts.
  • Linear Long-Term Change: An opposing perspective suggests a linear long-term trend towards a decrease in war. This theory argues that technological advancements and the evolution of international norms are making war less likely. The increasing complexity and interdependence of the globalized world also make military force less effective as a tool of influence. The destructive power of modern military technology, particularly nuclear weapons, reinforces the idea that war is becoming obsolete as a means of resolving disputes. Proponents draw historical analogies to the decline of practices like slavery, dueling, and cannibalism, which were once common but are now widely considered abhorrent.
  • Anarchy: A fundamental concept at the global level, particularly for realists, is anarchy, the absence of a central world government or authority to enforce rules and resolve disputes. In an anarchic system, states are ultimately responsible for their own security, leading to a self-help environment where war remains a constant possibility.

It is important to note that these levels of analysis are not mutually exclusive. A comprehensive understanding of war often requires integrating insights from all four levels, recognizing that conflicts arise from a complex interplay of individual decisions, domestic politics, interstate relations, and global systemic forces. The ongoing inability of political scientists to predict wars with high confidence underscores the inherent complexity and contingent nature of armed conflict.

3. Six Types of Conflicts: Ideas vs. Interests

While the causes of war are multi-layered, the specific issues or grievances that spark conflicts can often be categorized into conflicts over ideas or conflicts over interests. These categories are not mutually exclusive and often overlap in real-world scenarios.

Conflicts over Ideas

These conflicts are rooted in deeply held beliefs, identities, or values.

  • Nationalism: A potent force, nationalism involves a strong sense of identity and loyalty to a particular nation, often coupled with a desire for self-determination or dominance. Nationalist conflicts can arise from a group's desire to form its own state, expand its territory, or assert its cultural or political superiority. Historical examples abound, from the unification wars of Germany and Italy to countless anti-colonial struggles.
  • Ethnic Conflict: Often intertwined with nationalism, ethnic conflict arises from animosity or competition between different ethnic groups. These conflicts can be driven by historical grievances, perceived injustices, competition over resources, or political power struggles. Genocide, the deliberate and systematic extermination of an ethnic, racial, religious, or national group, represents the extreme end of ethnic conflict. Examples include the Rwandan genocide or the ethnic cleansing during the Bosnian War.
  • Religious Conflict: Disagreements or animosity based on religious beliefs can be a powerful driver of conflict. Historically, religious wars (e.g., the Crusades, the Thirty Years' War) have been devastating. In contemporary times, religious extremism and sectarian divisions continue to fuel conflicts in various parts of the world, often overlapping with ethnic or ideological grievances.
  • Ideological Conflict: Clashes over fundamental political or economic ideologies have also been major causes of war. The Cold War, for example, was a protracted ideological struggle between capitalism and communism, manifested through proxy wars and geopolitical competition. Other ideological conflicts include those between democracy and authoritarianism, or between different interpretations of political systems.

Conflicts of Interests

These conflicts typically involve competition over tangible resources, territory, or political control.

  • Territorial Disputes: Historically, territorial disputes have been a primary cause of interstate wars. States often go to war to gain or defend territory, whether for strategic reasons, resource access, or historical claims. Examples include border disputes, claims over islands, or contests over resource-rich regions. The Russia-Ukraine conflict, in part, involves territorial claims over Crimea and eastern Ukrainian regions.
  • Governmental Conflicts: These disputes concern the nature of a state's government or who controls it. This can involve external actors attempting to influence or change a regime in another country, or internal struggles for power, as seen in civil wars.
  • Economic Conflicts: Competition over economic resources, trade routes, markets, or wealth can lead to conflict. While rarely the sole cause of major wars today, economic factors often underpin or exacerbate other forms of conflict. Examples include resource wars (e.g., over oil, minerals, water), trade disputes that escalate, or economic blockades.

It is crucial to understand that these categories are rarely pure in practice. The Russia-Ukraine conflict, for instance, involves a complex interplay of ethnic Russians living in Ukraine, religious differences, territorial claims over Crimea, and economic conflicts over trade and currency, all within a broader ideological struggle between democratic and authoritarian systems.

4. Types of War: A Historical and Contemporary Overview

Warfare has taken many forms throughout history, evolving with societal structures, technological advancements, and geopolitical contexts. Understanding these different types helps to categorize and analyze conflicts more effectively.

1. Hegemonic War

Also known as world war, global war, general war, or systemic war, a hegemonic war is a conflict over control of the entire world order, the fundamental rules and institutions of the international system, including the role of the world hegemon (the dominant power). The last such conflict was World War II. Due to the immense destructive power of modern weaponry, particularly nuclear weapons, a true hegemonic war today would likely lead to the destruction of civilization. This type of war aims to fundamentally alter the global power structure.

2. Total War

Total war involves warfare waged by one state to conquer and occupy another, mobilizing the entire society and economy for the war effort. Modern total war originated with the Napoleonic Wars, which introduced mass conscription and the concept of gearing a nation's entire resources towards conflict. With industrialization, total war evolved further, blurring the lines between combatants and civilians. In total war, the entire society of the enemy is considered a legitimate target, as seen in the strategic bombing campaigns of World War II that targeted civilian populations. The goal is the unconditional surrender of the enemy government, allowing the victor to reshape the political landscape. The last total war between great powers was World War II.

3. Limited War

Limited war involves military actions carried out to achieve specific objectives short of the enemy's surrender and occupation. For instance, the U.S.-led war against Iraq in 1991 retook the territory of Kuwait but did not go on to Baghdad to topple Saddam Hussein’s government. The goal is typically to gain a particular piece of territory, enforce a policy, or deter an action, without seeking to overthrow the opposing government. Examples include border wars, where a state occupies disputed land and then defends its gains (e.g., Russia's actions in Georgian provinces in 2008).

Raids: A sub-type of limited war, raids consist of single, brief military actions, such as a bombing run or a quick incursion. These fall into a grey area between war and non-war, as their destruction is limited and they are quickly over. However, repeated raids or those that provoke retaliation can escalate into more sustained limited wars or "low-intensity conflicts."

4. Civil War

  • Civil war refers to war between factions within a state. The combatants are typically trying to:
  • Create a new government for the entire state.
  • Prevent the creation of a new government.
  • Replace the existing government with different people or a different system.
  • Split a region off to form a new, independent state (secessionist civil war).

Examples include the U.S. Civil War (secessionist) or the war in El Salvador in the 1980s (for control of the entire state). Simillary, In the Spanish Civil War (1936–9), republicans and fascists fought over who was to govern Spain.  Civil wars are often among the most brutal conflicts, as fellow citizens turn against each other. They frequently require external support for rebel groups, coming from neighboring states, diaspora communities, or revenue from illicit activities like natural resources or drugs. Contemporary civil wars often have significant international dimensions, involving the United Nations, regional organizations (e.g., NATO), humanitarian organizations, foreign fighters, and the covert or overt involvement of foreign states, as seen in the Syrian civil war.

5. Guerrilla War

Guerrilla war is a type of warfare characterized by the absence of fixed front lines and the use of irregular forces operating within, and often hidden or protected by, civilian populations. The purpose of guerrilla warfare is not to confront a conventional army directly but to harass, and punish it, gradually limiting its operations and liberating territory.

U.S. military forces in South Vietnam fought against Vietcong guerrillas in the 1960s and 1970s, with rising frustration. In guerrilla war, without a fixed front line, there is much territory that neither side controls; both sides thus exert military leverage over the same places at the same time. Often the government controls a town by day and the guerrillas by night. Thus, guerrilla wars are extremely painful for civilians, who suffer most when no military force firmly controls a location, opening the door to banditry, personal vendettas, sexual violence, and other such lawless behavior. 

The situation is doubly painful because conventional armies fighting against guerrillas often cannot distinguish them from civilians and punish both together. In one famous case in South Vietnam, a U.S. officer who had ordered an entire village burned to deny its use as a sanctuary by the Vietcong commented, “We had to destroy the village to save it.” Warfare increasingly is irregular and guerrilla-style; it is less and less often an open, conventional clash of large state armies, although the latter still occurs occasionally.

6. Asymmetric Warfare

Asymmetric warfare refers to a conflict between belligerents whose military power, strategies, and tactics differ significantly. It often involves a state with conventional military superiority fighting a non-state actor or a weaker state that employs unconventional tactics to offset the power imbalance. These tactics might include guerrilla warfare, terrorism, cyberattacks, or propaganda campaigns. The "global war on terror" following the 9/11 attacks is a prime example of asymmetric warfare, where powerful states confronted non-state terrorist organizations.

7. International War

An international war occurs when two or more sovereign states fight each other. An example is the Iran–Iraq War (1980–8), which began when Iraq invaded Iran. However, war is both older than the sovereign state and likely to endure into any globalized future. Many wars fought to build and defend empires do not fit into the model of a world made up of sovereign nation-states. Wars today, and in the past, involve complex combinations of state and non-state actors fighting in a single territory, or across many territories. Civil wars often involve an array of international actors and dimensions (see Box). 

 

5. War and Politics: Clausewitz's Enduring Legacy

Carl von Clausewitz, a Prussian military theorist, profoundly influenced the understanding of war with his unfinished magnum opus, On War. His ideas, though subject to varying interpretations, offer foundational insights into the relationship between war and politics.

War as a Continuation of Politics

Clausewitz famously asserted that "war is a continuation of politics by other means." This core tenet implies that war is not an end in itself but an instrument of policy. States or political entities use force as a negotiating tool, a means to achieve political objectives when other avenues have failed. The intense bombing of Hanoi and Haiphong by the United States in December 1972, aimed at compelling North Vietnam to sign the Paris Peace Accords, exemplifies this idea.

Furthermore, Clausewitz recognized a reciprocal relationship: what happens on the battlefield affects domestic politics, and conversely, domestic politics can shape the course of war. The Tet Offensive's impact on President Lyndon B. Johnson's re-election bid and Barack Obama's promise to end wars in Iraq and Afghanistan influencing his presidential campaign are historical illustrations of this dynamic. Political purposes, therefore, both limit and fuel the violence of war.

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The Two Trinities

Clausewitz conceptualized the nature of war through two "trinities":

1. Primary Trinity (Tendencies of War)

  • Passion: Refers to the primal forces of hatred, animosity, and violence inherent in war, often connected to the fervor and emotions of the people involved.
  • Chance: Encompasses the unpredictable elements of war, the "fog of war," friction, and the role of luck or unforeseen circumstances. This is often associated with the armed forces testing their abilities against adversity.
  • Reason: Represents the rational calculation of policy, the strategic aims, and the overall political direction guiding the war. This is attributed to the leadership, political authorities and military commanders, who set the war's ultimate objectives.

2. Second Trinity (Components of a Political Entity)

  • People: Embodies the passion, feelings, beliefs, and will to wage war.
  • Armed Forces: Represents the realm of chance, where skill meets the unpredictable trials and fortunes of combat.
  • Leadership: Represents reason, guiding policy, setting aims, and translating those aims into military reality.

These elements combine in variable configurations in any given war, determining its character and trajectory.

Real War vs. True/Absolute War

Clausewitz distinguished between:

  • Real War (War as it actually happens): These are the historical wars, always limited by various factors.
  • Friction: The "Murphy's Law of war," where everything that can go wrong often does, miscommunication, fatigue, error, chance occurrences, all conspire to impede smooth operations.
  • Policy: The strategic aims pursued by leadership act as a limiting force, keeping the war focused on its purpose and bringing it to a close when that purpose is achieved or becomes unattainable.
  • True/Absolute War (The inherent tendency of war to escalate): Clausewitz believed that war has an inherent tendency towards extremes, to ever-increasing violence. Each side is tempted to escalate force to compel surrender. Left unchecked by policy and friction, war would escalate indefinitely in scale, violence, duration, and geographic scope, as "there is no logical limit to an act of force." This theoretical "true war" is never fully realized in practice due to the mitigating factors of real war.

Limited vs. Total War (Clausewitzian Perspective)

Clausewitz also categorized war based on its aims:

  • Limited War: Fought for a purpose less than political existence, such as a territorial dispute or access to markets. The Falklands/Malvinas War was limited for both Argentina and the UK, as their state survival was not at stake.
  • Total War: A war in which the political existence of a state or entity is at stake, demanding unconditional surrender and potentially leading to the complete overthrow of the enemy regime (e.g., the Allies' demand for unconditional surrender from Nazi Germany in WWII).

Crucially, a war can be limited for one participant and total for another. The First Indochina War was total for the Vietnamese, who fought for independence, but limited for France, whose state existence was not threatened by the loss of its colony.

6. War, State, and Society: A Historical and Global Perspective

The relationship between war and society is reciprocal: society shapes war, and war shapes society. This dynamic has played out differently across various historical periods and geographical contexts.

From Feudalism to the Nation-State

Historically, warfare evolved significantly with the emergence of the modern nation-state. In feudal times, war was often waged by private armies or feudal lords. The rise of the nation-state brought about centralized control over military force, mass conscription, and the development of national armies. This transition fundamentally altered the scale, organization, and objectives of warfare, leading to concepts like total war.

From World Wars to the Cold War

The two World Wars of the 20th century was unprecedented in their scale, destructiveness, and global reach. They demonstrated the profound impact of industrialization on warfare and reshaped the international system, leading to the formation of institutions like the United Nations and the decline of European empires. The subsequent Cold War, while avoiding direct military confrontation between superpowers, was characterized by an ideological struggle, an arms race (especially nuclear), and numerous proxy wars in the Global South.

War, State, and Society in the Global South

The experience of war in the Global South has often been distinct from that in the West.

  • Wars of Empire: European imperial expansion involved numerous wars of conquest and pacification in the Global South.
  • The Imperial Legacy: The arbitrary borders drawn by colonial powers, the creation of multi-ethnic states without coherent national identities, and the extraction of resources left a complex legacy that often fueled post-colonial conflicts. Many contemporary civil wars in the Global South can be traced to these historical factors.
  • Intervention and Transnationalism: Wars in the Global South frequently involve a complex array of state and non-state actors, with significant international dimensions. As highlighted in the Syrian civil war example, foreign states, international organizations, humanitarian groups, NGOs, and transnational armed groups (like Hezbollah or Islamic State affiliates) all play roles, blurring the lines between "civil" and "international" conflict. This reflects how war has evolved both within and beyond the traditional nation-state framework.

War and Society Today in the Global South and North:

The "global war on terror" (GWOT) further illustrates the contemporary entanglement of war with society across borders. It brought together police, intelligence, and military forces from different countries to share information and conduct operations, demonstrating how globalization (the circulation of people, goods, and ideas) also extends to the circulation of war itself. The US invasion and occupation of Iraq, for instance, intricately linked Iraqi and American societies, demonstrating how war reorganizes political entities and societies with global effects.

Despite the complexities and the increasingly transnational nature of modern conflicts, the contemporary world remains largely organized around sovereign nation-states, creating a persistent paradox of war existing both within and beyond their traditional boundaries.

7. Conclusion

War is a persistent and transformative force in human history. From ancient feuds to global conflicts, its nature, causes, and forms have continuously evolved. While some scholars argue for a historical decline in warfare, others contend that it has merely transformed, shifting in geography and character.

Understanding the causation of war requires a multi-level approach, examining factors at the individual, domestic, interstate, and global levels. Conflicts can arise from deeply held ideas (nationalism, ethnicity, religion, ideology) or tangible interests (territory, government control, economic resources), often in complex combination.

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The types of war have diversified, from the all-encompassing "hegemonic" and "total" wars of the past to more localized "limited" wars, internal "civil" wars, and the fluid, unconventional dynamics of "guerrilla" and "asymmetric" warfare. Carl von Clausewitz's enduring insights remind us that war is fundamentally a continuation of politics, shaped by the interplay of passion, chance, and reason, and constantly navigating between its inherent escalatory tendencies and the limiting forces of policy and friction.

As the world continues to globalize and face new challenges, the study of war remains critically important. The ability to analyze its complex dynamics, identify its root causes, and understand its varied manifestations is essential for those seeking to prevent, mitigate, and ultimately resolve armed conflicts in an increasingly interconnected and volatile world. The lessons from history, combined with contemporary analysis, provide a framework for navigating the persistent presence of organized violence in human affairs.

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3 February 2026

Written By

Laiba Shahbaz

MPhil Strategic studies

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Sir Syed Kazim Ali

English Teacher

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