Pakistan's initial constitutional leap is widely remembered for its deep centralization of power, whether it was the interim constitution, the One Unit Scheme or the 1962 constitution, with the sole exception being the 1956 constitution which briefly offered provincial autonomy but failed to survive long enough to institutionalize it. The excessive centralization not only undermined the federal spirit but also fuelled separatist tendencies among various provinces. As a result, demands for autonomy and even independence began to emerge more vocally, with East Pakistan eventually choosing separation and achieving independence after a civil war in 1971. Yet, the adoption of the 1973 constitution brought with it renewed hope for national unity, since it was founded on the principle of devolution and aimed to decentralize authority more fairly among federating units. In this regard, the 18th Amendment proved pivotal, representing a decisive moment in the state's efforts to empower the provinces and restore the balance of power in a way that could encourage national integration.
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Pakistan's founding leaders envisioned a federal structure to accommodate the country's diverse ethno-linguistic and religious landscape. In the early years, centralization was justified as necessary for cohesion. However, this approach backfired. Policies such as the One Unit Scheme, although intended to unify, instead alienated smaller provinces by erasing their unique identities. The centralization of authority eroded trust, deepened ethnic divides, and stoked nationalist movements. The 1962 constitution, enacted during Ayub Khan’s regime, marked the lowest point for provincial autonomy and gave near-absolute powers to the Centre. This approach failed to ensure national integration, rather it prompted further regional resentment. In contrast, the 1973 constitution under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto recognized the urgency of restoring provincial rights, marking a shift toward greater inclusion. Over the years, however, the promise of devolution remained partially unfulfilled until the 18th Amendment in 2010, which altered nearly one-third of the constitution and redefined Centre-province relations in a landmark manner.
This amendment gave provinces unprecedented control in administrative, financial and legislative domains. Previously, the Concurrent Legislative List had allowed both federal and provincial governments to legislate on 47 subjects, often leading to Centre’s dominance. The abolition of this list transferred 44 subjects entirely to the provinces, giving them full control over critical sectors such as education, health, agriculture, and local government. Under the amended Article 172(3), natural resources are now jointly owned by the Centre and the provinces, a provision that had long been demanded by resource-rich but underdeveloped provinces like Balochistan. In this way, the amendment enhanced the provinces' ability to govern and plan independently, which in turn has helped reduce their perception of marginalization.
Financial autonomy also improved through the 7th National Finance Commission (NFC) Award, which was implemented just before the passage of the 18th Amendment and complemented its spirit. Earlier, population was the sole criterion for the division of federal resources among provinces. The 7th Award introduced a multi-factor formula incorporating indicators such as poverty, revenue generation and inverse population density. This was a significant correction in favour of less populous and historically disadvantaged provinces. The provinces’ share in the federal divisible pool was increased to 57.5 percent, giving them more financial capacity to address local needs independently. These changes enabled provinces to launch region-specific development projects, allocate funds to underserved areas and manage their own priorities.
A critical shift also occurred in terms of legislative autonomy. The 18th Amendment amended Article 142(c), giving provinces the exclusive right to legislate on all matters that were once under the Concurrent List. Additionally, provinces now have an advisory role in certain subjects of national interest that remain with the federal government but affect local realities, such as electricity, railways and mineral development. This division of legislative authority helped decentralize law-making, ensuring policies could be adapted to local contexts rather than being dictated from the Centre.
The expansion of provincial powers also extended into taxation and borrowing. Provinces were empowered to collect taxes on services within their jurisdiction and raise loans from both domestic and foreign sources. Sindh and Punjab took early advantage of this by establishing their own tax collection agencies, namely Sindh Revenue Board and Punjab Revenue Authority, to collect General Sales Tax on Services. The creation of such institutions represents a clear shift in the provincial mindset from dependency to responsibility. This newfound financial autonomy has allowed provinces to fund their infrastructure and social projects with greater flexibility.
Despite these advances, challenges remain in fully realizing the potential of decentralization. Intergovernmental coordination has been inconsistent, and institutional capacity at the provincial level is uneven. While some provinces have effectively exercised their new powers, others still struggle with bureaucratic inefficiencies and political inertia. Moreover, tensions occasionally flare up when the federal government appears to encroach upon provincial jurisdictions or when provinces underperform and then seek federal bailouts.
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Even so, the legacy of the 18th Amendment and its accompanying fiscal reforms cannot be understated. In contrast to the post-independence decades where centralization bred alienation, the current constitutional framework at least offers a structure that empowers provinces, addresses regional disparities and promotes a more balanced federation. Pakistan’s experience reveals that the route to national integration lies not in the concentration of power but in its equitable distribution. Provinces are no longer just administrative units but empowered partners in the federation.
The path to stronger national cohesion thus lies in building institutional capacity at the provincial level, ensuring transparent use of devolved powers, and cultivating a cooperative federal culture. Federalism, if practiced in spirit and not just in form, can serve as the foundation for sustainable democracy, inclusive development and national unity. The 18th Amendment is far from a perfect solution, but it is a necessary milestone in correcting the historical imbalance that has long defined Centre-province relations in Pakistan.
